![]() In addition, one or more cuckoo calls are heard every full hour depending on the number of hours (full hours are counted), usually together with a gong. A mechanical cuckoo serves as the acoustic time signal, which is movably mounted in the housing behind a door-like flap above the dial and is usually swiveled out every full hour. The real eponymous feature of the cuckoo clock, however, is the striking mechanism. Since the middle of the 19th century, the basic shape of the housing has mostly been modeled on a trainman's house with a sloping roof and decorated with more or less elaborately carved wooden ornaments. It is often a wall clock whose mechanical pendulum mechanism is equipped with a chain hoist and striking mechanism. It was only when the company hired many production engineers who had graduated from Japanese engineering faculties and when it began to work with outside research institutions, such as the Department of Precision Engineering of the University of Tokyo, that Hattori was able to implement fully a hybrid production system in the 1950s.The cuckoo clock is traditionally mainly made in the Black Forest and is known worldwide. Yet this hybrid production system ran into problems because parts were not interchangeable, as a result of which assembly continued along traditional lines until the end of the Second World War. Starting in the 1910s and 1920s, Hattori selected a few high-precision Swiss watches and set itself the goal of producing them in mass using imported machine tools. It shows that the competitiveness of this industry, which established itself on the world market during the 1960s, was due to a process of technological hybridization between the American mass production system and the Swiss specialized production system. in the first half of the twentieth century as an example. This paper analyzes the emergence of Japanese specialized industry, taking the production of Seiko watches at Hattori & Co. Conclusively, this thesis critically highlights the need to reconsider the roles of each actor involved in the design industry according to the trade of such immaterial commodities. The thesis concludes with the observation that some designers are also starting to monetize from their presence in exhibitions, by demanding loan and participation fees. The research witnesses the way actors conventionally belonging to the media industry are now able to commission new content to feature in their publications and events and monetize from this. As visibility and reputation are the fuel that feeds the contemporary design industry, then the power of the media has proven crucial, allowing a fluidity of roles in the design industry. In fact, reputation and visibility emerge as central commodities for trade. To express this with the terminology used in this thesis a well constructed media profile infers reputation besides visibility. It indicates the extent of the audience and the level of status it is quantity and quality at the same time. ![]() The designers' media profile entails popularity and prestige. Furthermore, this study provides new understanding on the media profile within the design industry. In doing so, this thesis answers the main question: What commodities (intended as the ensemble of goods, values, competencies and services) are traded in the contemporary design industry and by whom? As a result, this research expands the notion of the design process beyond the artefact, highlighting the role that its representation in the media and events has in the process. ![]() The aim of this PhD is to provide an understanding of such impact. The increasingly growing manifestation of this type of design in the media – and the media in design – has an impact on the way certain designers conceive and practice their profession, and on the design industry as a whole. This research explores the intersection between the design industry and the ubiquitous media and events industry, focusing on the context of design characterized by limited editions and one-off artefacts.
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